Between the Irish Hate, and the Upcoming Elections

Israelis have nothing against the Irish. Many were therefore surprised by the level of hatred directed at us by the Irish surrounding the soccer match between the national teams. The calls for a boycott, the protests, the wearing of black ribbons, bowing heads during the Israeli national anthem, and of course avoiding handshakes, all demonstrate that while Ireland is not a country that particularly interests Israelis, the Irish, on the other hand, are obsessed with Israel.

Israel's actions often have little connection to what it represents in Western politics and society. Israel has become the ultimate symbol in national and internal struggles, taking a unique form in every country. In Ireland, blind identification with the Palestinians is intertwined with Irish nationalism and its historic struggle for independence from Britain. In Britain itself, labor unions serve as a central arena for anti-Israel left-wing activity, where Palestinians are portrayed as the new proletariat (the working class). In the U.S., as another example, Israel is framed through identity politics, perceived by progressive audiences as a white, privileged, colonial state and as part of a global apparatus oppressing non-white minorities.

Israel is a victim of the Western zeitgeist, perceived negatively within its cultural, philosophical, moral, and social climate, particularly among liberal audiences. Hostility toward Israel is reflected in how it is treated in art, literature, sports, cinema, and politics. In this environment, libels and rumors stick easily to Israel, and even the absurd claim of intentional genocide becomes a "fact" that no longer needs to be substantiated. As if that were not enough, social media drives the final nail into the coffin of Israel's reputation. These platforms create echo chambers and foster a collective illusion of an anti-Israel consensus. This is how an anti-Israel zeitgeist was born.

The plunge in Israel's international standing does not occupy a central place in the current election campaign, despite its certain implications for U.S.–Israel relations. For years, Israel enjoyed a consensus of bipartisan support. Today, support for it is more closely identified with the Republican Party; however, polls show that negative attitudes toward Israel are already held by the majority of Republicans under fifty. The most worrying scenario is that a new bipartisan consensus regarding Israel will indeed form, but one that is critical and even hostile. In Israel, people hoped that the end of the war would allow the country to begin restoring its status, but reality shows that its position only continues to deteriorate.

Intellectual honesty requires recognizing the limits of the State of Israel's influence over the situation. Public diplomacy has no impact on this reality. There is no silver bullet—akin to the pager operation—against such a hostile zeitgeist, nor the Prime Minister's speech at the UN last week changed nothing.

Israel is not "responsible" for what it symbolizes in the West. Hamas, which understood the international dynamics surrounding Israel, deliberately attacked it and forced upon it a war in urban areas where harm to the Palestinian population was inevitable, and the damage to Israel's standing was guaranteed.

In this reality, the proliferation of initiatives by Jewish organizations to combat antisemitism has little meaningful effect. Even the more successful efforts can, at best, slow the drift. They are not designed to improve Israel's reputation or to build identification with, and a sense of relevance for, Israel in ways tailored to different audiences.

In Astarta, we connect thought and strategy with action and innovation. Our task force on antisemitism works to make the approach of Israeli politicians and policymakers to this challenge more informed, including during the election campaign. We are currently working on a new policy paper designed to help steer Israeli diplomacy in an era post-bipartisanship in the United States, and growing risks of international isolation.

We are also involved in a joint initiative of the Jewish world and the Israeli government that influences a large number of pro-Israel organizations worldwide. Beyond that, we develop technology with the potential to make an impact at scale, turning the broad ideas presented here into practical tools. Last month, we officially launched Campus Dome, an AI-powered platform that helps Jewish students facing antisemitism on campus. At the same time, we are expanding Parent Dome to additional communities. It is a system that helps parents whose children encounter antisemitism at school.

Restoring Israel's standing is a complex adaptive challenge that first requires a deep process of learning. But that does not relieve Israel of its obligation to meet the prerequisites for restoring its international standing, even if those steps alone will not suffice. At present, those prerequisites are unmet: presenting a regional diplomatic agenda and enforcing the law in Judea and Samaria. In the current election campaign, the parties offer no vision on this issue, while Israeli politicians show considerable ignorance and superficiality about possible solutions. Most offer little more than fifty shades of public diplomacy.